Read Mueller Report HERE
Mueller’s letter to Barr here
May 16, 2019
Democrats stage marathon reading of Mueller report
WASHINGTON (AP) — Live, from a tiny parlor in the Capitol, Democratic lawmakers read aloud Thursday from nearly 400 pages of special counsel Robert Mueller’s report in a marathon expected to stretch into the next day.
More than two dozen lawmakers rotated into the shuttered House Rules Committee room to take their turns keeping the report’s findings on Russian election interference in the public conversation as Congress awaits word on whether Mueller will testify. They’re also trying to galvanize public sentiment, insisted upon by House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, before any moves are made toward impeachment. Trump, who is resisting every congressional request on the subject, offered counterprogramming for about 25 minutes with a speech on immigration from the sun-splashed White House Rose Garden.
But by then, a rotating cast of Democrats was in its third hour of sharing a different story to the public — this one written by the former FBI director who spent nearly two years investigating Trump and who has been asked to speak to Congress, under oath, for himself. On C-SPAN, Rep. Jim McGovern of Massachusetts had just gotten to the part about efforts by Trump’s former lawyer, Michael Cohen, to pave the way for Trump Tower Moscow when the president began delivering his immigration remarks live on other networks.
“The American people need to hear from the report itself,” said Rep. Mary Gay Scanlon of Pennsylvania, adding, “Summaries won’t do.”
Split screen or no, Democrats continued to voice Mueller’s words at roughly three pages per minute, with as many as 10 televised hours of reading ahead of them. Blocked-out sections of the report remained secret. By the time Trump stepped to the podium at the White House, Scanlon, Sen. Bob Casey of Pennsylvania, Rep. Sheila Jackson Lee of Texas and others had already read into the cameras sections titled “Interactions and Contacts with the Trump Campaign” and “Russian Hacking and Dumping Operations” involving the Democratic National Committee. They read aloud even sections of the report that remain secret.
“Redacted. Redacted,” said Rep. Jerrold Nadler, the Judiciary Committee chairman who has threatened to subpoena Mueller. Later, he said the recitation is important because “it’s damning.”
Democrats agree on that, but there’s significant dissension over whether Mueller’s writings on the question of obstruction is, already, worthy of formal impeachment proceedings. While Mueller did not find evidence that Trump conspired with the Russians, he published startling details about Trump’s efforts to block the investigation and get others to lie for him. Many Democrats say that’s plenty reason to launch impeachment proceedings.
Pelosi has been adamant that the committees, including Nadler’s, first press forward with investigations. She’s said impeachment proceedings would be divisive and politically perilous for Democrats without overwhelming public sentiment calling for them. Additionally, the Senate is controlled by Republicans, so any impeachment findings would almost certainly fade there.
It wasn’t all darkness and monotony in the third-floor parlor, which is decked out in navy and gold under an outsized chandelier. Next door, actor John Cusack stopped by and briefly sat in the hearing room to listen to Scanlon read. He said he’s a friend of Nadler’s, was in town for a screening and wanted to be supportive of those who want to impeach Trump.
“This has to be on the record,” the politically active actor said of the report. “I’m for impeachment on merits because, to me, it doesn’t matter what the Senate does.” Source
May 1, 2019
Attorney General William Barr Acts as Donald Trump’s Human Shield on Capitol Hill
This being a hearing of the august Senate Judiciary Committee—in which the Attorney General of the United States had been called to testify about a four-hundred-and-forty-eight-page report into a Russian effort to sabotage the 2016 election, the question of whether the sitting President and his aides were complicit therein, and possible obstruction of justice on the part of that same President—it was inevitable that the chairman of the committee, Senator Lindsey Graham, would open the proceedings by cutting to the chase: the F.B.I.’s investigation into Hillary Clinton’s e-mails.
“What do we know?” Graham asked. “We know that the person in charge of investigating hated Trump’s guts.” The Republican from South Carolina read out some edited highlights of a text-message exchange between Peter Strzok, the former F.B.I. agent who led the e-mail probe, and his then colleague, Lisa Page, with whom he was romantically involved, including one in which Strzok said, “Trump is a fucking idiot.”
Back in 2016, you will recall, Graham himself described Donald Trump as a “kook” who was unfit for office. These days, of course, he is a loyal member of Team Trump, and so is the rumpled figure who sat in the witness chair on Wednesday, Bill Barr. In his opening monologue, Graham asked Barr if he shared his concern about the issuance of a fisa-court warrant to conduct surveillance on Carter Page, a member of the Trump campaign. Barr said, “Yes.” He gave the same answer when Graham asked if he shared his concerns about the origins of the F.B.I.’s counterintelligence investigation into the Trump campaign. Finally, Graham asked Barr if he agreed that the “lack of professionalism in the Clinton e-mail investigation is something we should all look at.” Again, Barr replied, “Yes.”
If more confirmation were needed that Trump has succeeded in converting the Russia investigation from a legal proceeding into a partisan political battle, in which anything goes and objective truth is of little regard, Wednesday’s hearing provided it. Rather than focussing on the details contained in the Mueller report, one Republican after another sought to change the subject to Clinton, Fusion GPS, and Christopher Steele. When they did refer to the report, the Republicans largely confined themselves to Barr’s repeated assertion that it cleared Trump and his aides of colluding with the Russians. “Is there any evidence that suggests that Vladimir Putin quote-unquote has something on President Trump?” Senator Mike Lee, of Utah, asked Barr. “None that I’m aware of,” the Attorney General replied. “Is there any evidence that you’re aware of that suggests even remotely that President Trump is a Russian agent?” Lee went on. Barr gave the same reply. Of the more damaging material contained in the Mueller report, such as the Trump campaign’s efforts to obtain hacked material and the President asking the White House counsel to lie on his behalf, the Republicans feigned ignorance.
Barr, for his part, remained poised. Many witnesses would have been rattled by the revelation, on the eve of the hearing, that Mueller, on March 27th, had sent Barr an official letter complaining that the exculpatory four-page summary that the Attorney General had issued three days earlier threatened to undermine “full public confidence in the outcome of the investigations.” Barr didn’t waver. Allowing that Mueller had also asked him to supplement his summary by publishing the introduction and executive summaries contained in the report’s two volumes, Barr stated flatly, “I told Bob that I was not interested in putting out summaries and I wasn’t going to put out the report piecemeal. I wanted to get the whole report out.” When Senator Sheldon Whitehouse, a Democrat from Rhode Island, pressed him on this matter, Barr got a bit testy. “Bob Mueller is the equivalent of a U.S. Attorney,” he said. “His work concluded when he sent his report to the Attorney General. At that point, it was my baby.” Later in the hearing, Barr described Mueller’s letter as “a bit snitty.”
Having asserted droit du seigneur in brushing off the special counsel’s entirely justifiable concerns, Barr also sought to fend off accusations that he had misled Congress after receiving Mueller’s letter. “Why did you testify on April 9th that you didn’t know the concerns being expressed by Mueller’s team?” Senator Patrick Leahy, a Democrat from Vermont, asked him. Barr replied that he hadn’t heard from members of Mueller’s team; he had spoken to the special counsel himself. Under questioning from Whitehouse, he repeated this explanation—prompting Whitehouse to remark, “That’s some masterful hairsplitting.”
Nobody doubts Barr’s mental acuity. The question is why he has adopted the role of Trump’s heat shield and legal advocate with such enthusiasm. As the hearing progressed, he went well beyond the statements he made on April 18th, when he announced that he and Rod Rosenstein, the Deputy Attorney General, had taken it upon themselves to conclude that the President had not obstructed justice. At many points, his answers stretched credulity.
Senator Dianne Feinstein, a Democrat from California, homed in on Mueller’s finding that, in the summer of 2017, Trump asked Don McGahn, the White House counsel, to deny a New York Times article that reported that Trump had ordered McGahn to fire the special counsel. “Does existing law prohibit efforts to get a witness to lie?” Feinstein asked. Barr said that it does, and he also conceded that McGahn had come away believing the President ordered him to push Rosenstein to invoke conflict of interest against Mueller. But Barr insisted that there was an important difference between Trump simply ordering McGahn to fire Mueller and asking him to tell Rosenstein to remove him because of alleged conflicts of interest. In the latter case, Barr suggested, another special counsel would be appointed. Feinstein wasn’t buying it. “You still have a situation where a President essentially tries to change the lawyer’s account in order to prevent further criticism of himself,” she said. To which, Barr responded, “Well that’s not a crime.”
In the afternoon session, a number of Democratic Presidential candidates questioned Barr. Amy Klobuchar, who took Barr through many of the episodes detailed in the Mueller report about Trump possibly obstructing justice, noted that she had learned in law school to “look at the totality of the evidence.” Cory Booker accused Barr of putting his “own credibility into question” and normalizing Trump’s aberrant behavior. Kamala Harris got him to admit that neither he nor Rosenstein had reviewed all of the evidence underlying the Mueller report before they concluded that there wasn’t a case for obstruction-of-justice charges against Trump. Later in the afternoon, Harris and Booker both called on Barr to resign.
There is no chance of that happening. Before the hearing wrapped up, the Attorney General again portrayed Trump as a wronged man. “How did we get to the point here, where the evidence is now that the President was falsely accused of colluding with the Russians, accused of being treasonous, accused of being a Russian agent?” he said to the Republican senator Marsha Blackburn. “Two years of his Administration have been dominated by allegations that have now been proven false. To listen to some of the rhetoric, you would think that the Mueller report had found the opposite.”
Barr was due back on Capitol Hill, on Thursday morning, to testify to the Democrat-controlled House Judiciary Committee, which has confirmed that it wants him to answer questions from staff lawyers. Barr had previously objected to that format, and, on Wednesday evening, the Justice Department informed the Committee that he isn’t going to show up. With its Democratic members already preparing to issue a subpoena to obtain an unredacted version of the Mueller report, the story won’t end here. Source
April 19, 2019
Top 20 Mueller Report Findings
There are a number of things that stand out as the most relevant and interesting in Robert Mueller’s Special Council report on alleged Russian interference in the 2016 campaign, which was released in redacted form on Thursday. After consuming as much of the report as a person can without going blind or insane (I’m attempting to save you the trouble), here are what I see as the more alluring Mueller finds. Please note: save your harassment for someone else that Mueller got it all wrong, that Russia didn’t hack, that Assange was used etc. I’m only reporting and commenting on what Mueller claimsto have found, not that he got it right. A few of these “findings” were already part of the public record and are listed in chronological order, not by order of importance.
1: Mueller finds that the General Staff of the Russian Army, under the direction of Russian intelligence, hacked Hillary Clinton staffers (i.e. John Podesta) as well as the DNC and DCCC. Those stolen emails were then distributed through DCLeaks, Guccifer 2.0 (both Russian creations) and Wikileaks. Volume 1 Page 4, 41 and 65.
2. The Trump presidential campaign did not conspire with the Russian government to influence the elections. Yet, the Russian government believed it would benefit from a Trump White House. The Trump campaign also believed it would benefit from Russia’s hacked emails. Page 5.
3. President Trump “engaged in efforts to curtail the Special Counsel’s investigation.” Apparently, Trump’s efforts weren’t obstruction worthy. Interesting to note that people have been charged with obstruction for far, far less. Page 8.
4. The Trump campaign had multiple ties with Russian government officials. Trump’s team took the bait now and then but didn’t do anything knowingly criminal. I guess they weren’t smart enough to realize WTF was going on. Page 9, 66 and 173.
5. Russian government operatives tied to the Internet Research Agency infiltrated social media platforms, reaching millions of people. These accounts targeted both conservatives and liberals, promoting Trump in certain cases while criticizing Hillary Clinton in others. This is a pretty broad plan but probably amounted to little more than a single overpriced Super Bowl ad. Page 26.
6. Julian Assange and/or Wikileaks are still very much involved in an “ongoing matter”. This could be a sign of more pending charges against Assange or it’s having to do with the case against Roger Stone, or both. Page 51-52.
7. The Trump campaign was in direct contact with Wikileaks regarding an anti-Trump site that tied the candidate to Putin. This is the moment Wikileaks stopped acting like an arbiter of truth and began acting like a Rupert Murdoch operation. In my view, this is hard evidence of Wikileak’s decline from the Chelsea Manning days. Page 60.
8. The Russia government became interested in the prospect of a Trump presidency months after he announced his election bid … because? He had name cachet, oh, and prior business dealings. Poor little Marco never stood a chance against The Apprentice. Page 66.
9. Michael Cohen did not recall thinking the Trump Moscow project had any political importance to Trump the candidate. Admittedly, Michael Cohen was also not all that bright but we knew that. Page 72.
10. George Papadopoulos, who worked for the Trump campaign but was let go in October 2016, talked to at least one person outside the campaign about Russia obtaining Clinton-related emails prior to their release. Page 93.
11. Carter Page, a Trump foreign policy advisor, was a patsy for Russian intel, dating back to 2008, but Mueller found no evidence he conspired to influence the election. In other words, Page, like so many in Trump’s world, had no idea he was being used or he just didn’t give a shit. Page 95.
12. “I love it”. Wikileak’s pal Donald Trump Jr. met with a Russian lawyer at Trump Tower hoping to get dirt on Hillary. Page 110.
13. Paul Manafort’s sharing of polling data and meetings with Konstantin V. Kilimnik were not criminal (and probably not all that interesting). Page 136.
14. The “Putin call.” Late on election night, Putin’s peeps reached out to Trump’s peeps and five days later the two spoke on the phone. Trump campaign secretary Hope Hicks is quoted as saying, “[we] don’t want to blow off Putin!” “Blow” being the operative word. I also find this snippet of the report to be the most entertaining. The brilliance of the Trump campaign was its Forrest Gumpian innocence. Page 145.
15. Carter Page kept pimping his ties to Trump in an attempt to curry business favor with Russians after the election. This is a bright-line theme throughout the document, from Manafort to Page, it was all about business opportunities after the election. Time and again, it’s obvious nobody within Trump’s orbit actually thought he’d win. Page 166.
16. While serving on Trump’s transition team, Michael Flynn acted as a conduit to Russia and pressured a no-vote/delay on a UN Security Council Resolution that would have called for a cease of Israeli settlement activities in Palestinian territories. President-elect Trump was not even in office and was already bending over backward for Bibi Netanyahu. Page 168.
17. There is no obstruction exoneration for Trump. According to Mueller, Trump only obstructed his investigation into obstruction. Volume 2 Page 8 and Page 182.
18. Russian officials bragged to the press about maintaining contacts with the Trump campaign throughout the election. Volume 2 Page 21.
19. Firing James Comey did not amount to obstruction because the investigation continued. This is really the most troubling obstruction bullshit in the entire report. According to Mueller (and later Bill Barr), there was no tangible Trump obstruction because the firing of Comey wasn’t all that effective in stunting the investigation. There is little doubt this was Trump’s actual intent. Well, according to U.S. Code Chapter 73, obstruction of justice includes, not only consequences of actions but also intent. Trump himself stated the Russia investigation was the reason for canning Comey. If Democrats have enough spine to move on impeachment, this should be the starting point. Volume 2 Page 74.
20: In addition to trying to remove Special Council Robert Mueller but laying off after receiving pushback from advisors, Trump sought the help from his old campaign manager Corey Lewandowski. At Trump’s direction, Lewandowski was tasked with pressuring Attorney General Jeff Sessions to limit the scope of the Russia investigation. Again, like the firing of Comey, Trump attempted to obstruct the investigation by limiting Mueller’s probe. Nothing to see here. Volume 2 Page 90.
April 18, 2019
Mueller details how Russians sought to elect Trump through leaks and propaganda
In what is expected to stand as among the most definitive public accounts of the Kremlin’s attack on the American political system, the report of special counsel Robert Mueller’s investigation laid out in precise, chronological detail how “the Russian government interfered in the 2016 presidential election in sweeping and systematic fashion.”
The Russians’ goal, Mr. Mueller emphasized at several points, was to assist now-President Donald Trump’s run for the White House and to damage Hillary Clinton’s candidacy. And people in the Republican candidate’s sphere took notice, looking for ways to turn leaks of stolen emails to his advantage, and even telling campaign associates to find people who might get their hands on Ms. Clinton’s personal emails.
“The Trump Campaign showed interest in WikiLeaks’s releases of hacked materials throughout the summer and fall of 2016,” Mr. Mueller’s investigators wrote. The anti-secrecy website became the major outlet for Russia’s pilfered material, and Trump campaign staffers were engaged in discussions about pending leaks and how to capitalize on them, Mr. Mueller found.
Investigators did not establish a conspiracy between the Trump campaign and the Russians. But both sides used similar tactics. Through social media and selective leaking, the Russians stoked deep societal divisions and aroused Americans’ suspicions of politicians and the integrity of the electoral process, Mr. Mueller found.
Mr. Trump, too, was seen by many as trying to divide voters, exacerbating political fault lines, and he insisted that something was rotten in the way the country elects its president, calling the process a “rigged” system.
Mr. Mueller’s findings build on a set of indictments he issued last year against Russians who allegedly participated in the active-measures campaign.
The level of detail in those charges was achieved through highly sensitive intelligence sources, current and former officials have said. The final report is no different, and contains several blacked out passages marked “investigative technique,” indicating that U.S. officials are not prepared to tell the world – and the Russians – how they know what they know about the Kremlin’s actions.
Two operations lay at the heart of Russia’s unprecedented influence campaign, Mr. Mueller found: A social media campaign “designed to provoke and amplify political and social discord in the United States;” and a hacking effort led by a Russian intelligence agency, which stole emails from the Democratic National Committee and a key Clinton campaign aide and released them to disparage the Democratic candidate.
The email “hacking-and-dumping operations,” as Mr. Mueller’s investigators called them, was epitomized by disclosures by WikiLeaks, which in July 2016 posted messages stolen from the DNC, and then in October trickled out emails taken from the account of John Podesta, Ms. Clinton’s campaign chairman.
Trump campaign staffers and supporters discussed pending releases of emails by WikiLeaks on several occasions, the report shows. Many passages are blacked out because, Mr. Mueller noted, they could harm an ongoing matter.
That could be a reference to the prosecution of Roger Stone, the longtime Trump aide whose claims to be in touch with WikiLeaks during the campaign drew scrutiny.
By the late summer of 2016, after the first WikiLeaks release, the campaign “was planning a press strategy, a communications campaign, and messaging based on the possible release of Clinton emails by WikiLeaks,” Mr. Mueller found.
The report cites a conversation between Mr. Trump and then-deputy campaign chairman Rick Gates during a car ride to LaGuardia Airport. The section is redacted, but the visible part reads, “shortly after the call candidate Trump told Gates that more releases of damaging information would be coming.” Where Mr. Trump was getting that information is unclear.
Mr. Mueller also found that Mr. Trump repeatedly requested that his aides find people who could gain access Ms. Clinton’s private emails.
Mr. Trump had fixated on Ms. Clinton’s use of a private email server when she was secretary of state, saying it revealed a lack of judgment and disregard for secrecy rules that bordered on criminal negligence. “Lock her up!” Trump supporters shouted when he spoke about the server on the campaign trail.
At a July campaign stop, Mr. Trump expressed his hope that Russia would find some 30,000 emails that Ms. Clinton had said she deleted because they were of a personal nature and not related to government affairs. After that, “Trump asked individuals affiliated with his campaign to find the deleted Clinton emails,” Mr. Mueller’s team found.
Mr. Trump made the request repeatedly, former national security adviser Michael Flynn told Mr. Mueller’s investigators. Eventually, Mr. Flynn contacted two GOP operatives who were running their own hunts for Ms. Clinton’s emails. One of them kept Mr. Flynn and another senior campaign official, Sam Clovis, aware of the project, which ultimately did not produce any purloined messages.
“Gates recalled candidate Trump being generally frustrated that the Clinton emails had not been found,” Mr. Mueller wrote.
Mr. Gates pleaded guilty to conspiracy and lying to the FBI and cooperated with Mr. Mueller’s probe. Mr. Flynn pleaded guilty to lying to the FBI about his conversations with the Russian ambassador to the United States. He also cooperated with the investigation.
Mr. Mueller also took note of direct communications that people in the Trump campaign had with WikiLeaks that suggested the group wanted to work on behalf of the Republican candidate.
On Sept. 20, 2016, Donald Trump Jr. emailed senior campaign staffers saying, “Guys I got a weird Twitter DM [direct message] from wikileaks.” He said the group asked him about an unlaunched anti-Trump “conspiracy” site. “Seems like it’s really wikileaks asking me,” he said. The email had not been previously reported.
The next day, after the site had launched, Mr. Trump Jr. sent a direct message to WikiLeaks: “Off the record, I don’t know who that is but I’ll ask around. Thanks.”
On Oct. 3, WikiLeaks sent another message to Mr. Trump Jr., asking “you guys” to help disseminate a link alleging candidate Ms. Clinton had advocated using a drone to target WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange. Mr. Trump Jr. replied he already “had done so,” and asked, “what’s behind this Wednesday leak I keep reading about?” WikiLeaks did not respond.
On Oct. 12, several days after WikiLeaks began publishing emails hacked from Mr. Podesta’s account, WikiLeaks wrote him again, saying it was “great to see you and your dad talking about our publications. Strongly suggest your dad tweets this link if mentions us. . .” Two days later, Mr. Trump Jr. tweeted the link.
While Russian hackers chiseled away at the Clinton campaign, another group was setting up fake social media accounts – and making inroads with the Trump campaign and its supporters.
The social media campaign began in 2014 as a “generalized program” to undermine the U.S. election system, Mr. Mueller wrote. But it evolved into “a targeted operation” that by early 2016 “favored candidate Trump and disparaged candidate Clinton.”
At the center of the operation was an organization based in St. Petersburg, Russia, called the Internet Research Agency, a “troll farm” that churned out tendentious and manipulative posts and images.
The organization, which received funding from an oligarch with ties to Russian President Vladimir Putin, used fictitious personas to open accounts on Twitter and Instagram and to start group pages on Facebook. They were all designed to attract followers with polemic content on race, gender and other often-polarizing topics.
The Russians’ following grew, and they eventually reached millions of Americans with their messages, Mr. Mueller found. The content was even spread by U.S. political figures, who retweeted messages from Internet Research Agency-controlled Twitter accounts.
Some employees from St. Petersburg traveled to the United States to obtain information and gather photographs to use in their posts. They are among those Mr. Mueller indicted last year.
“On multiple occasions,” Mr. Mueller wrote, “members and surrogates of the Trump Campaign promoted – typically by linking, retweeting, or similar methods of reposting – pro-Trump or anti-Clinton content published by the IRA through IRA-controlled social media accounts.”
A single Twitter account, @TEN_GOP, purporting to represent Tennessee Republicans but actually operated by the Russian troll farm, was retweeted by Donald J. Trump Jr., Eric Trump, campaign manager Kellyanne Conway, digital operations chief Brad Parscale and Mr. Flynn.
Mr. Mueller also noted that Russian operatives directly contacted Trump supporters “in a few instances” to help coordinate political rallies inside the United States. Mr. Mueller ultimately chose not to bring prosecutions because the Americans did not realize that they were in contact with Russians.
Getting the Trump campaign – or better yet, Mr. Trump himself – to tweet or retweet material put out by the Russian disinformation campaign was a closely watched goal for the operatives at the Internet Research Agency, Mr. Mueller found.
The report recounts the celebration when Mr. Trump applauded an event in Miami the Russians had organized in August 2016, by tweeting, “THANK YOU for your support Miami!. . . TOGETHER, WE WILL MAKE AMERICA GREAT AGAIN!”
A Russian account on Facebook, posing as an American named Matt Skiber, sent a message to an American Tea Party activist afterward saying, “Mr. Trump posted about our event in Miami! This is great!”
Russian disinformation teams used social media to recruit Americans across the political spectrum to help push their themes online and also to participate in real-world political rallies and other events, Mr. Mueller found.
The recruiting of Americans started in 2014 and continued even beyond the November 2016 election. An African American “self-defense instructor” in New York offered classes for the Russian-created social media group “Black Fist” in February 2017.
Conservative activists participated in a range of political events organized by the IRA, including appearing as Santa Claus while wearing a Trump mask in New York City.
Overwhelmingly, such efforts were intended to help Mr. Trump and hurt Ms. Clinton, Mr. Mueller’s investigators concluded. They found no similar contact between Russians and Americans supporting Ms. Clinton.
Meanwhile, the Mueller report also provided a few more details of Russian attempts to infiltrate Florida elections offices, an operation that “gain(ed) access to the network of at least one Florida county government.
State and local elections officials on Thursday repeated what they’ve said before: that they have no evidence that Florida elections systems were infiltrated by the Russians.
The Mueller report said that the GRU, the Russian Military intelligence agency, attempted to gain access to election systems.
In November 2016, the Mueller report said, “the GRU sent spearphishing emails to over 120 email accounts used by Florida county officials responsible for administering the 2016 U.S. election. The spearphishing emails contained an attached Word document coed with malicious software (commonly referred to as a Trojan) that permitted the GRU to access the infected computer.
“The FBI was separately responsible for this investigation. We understand the FBI believes that this operation enabled the GRU to gain access to the network of at least one Florida county government,” the report said. The Special Counsel’s Office “did not independently verify” the FBI’s belief and “did not undertake the investigative steps that would have been necessary to do so.”
An indictment as part of Mr. Mueller’s investigation alleged that an officer in the Russian military who worked in Russian intelligence and his co-conspirators relied on an email account designed to look as if it came from a vendor used by election officials.
The Mueller report said that in August 2016, “GRU officers targeted employees of (redacted), a voting technology companies that developed software used by numerous U.S. counties to manage voter rolls, and installed malware on the company network.” Source